Fateh فتح Fatah P.L.O حركة فتح

The Palestinian people here and in the Diaspora celebrated on the first of January the 37th anniversary of the launching of Fateh and its military wing, the Forces of al-‘Asifa (the Arabic word for the storm). It is the second anniversary that takes place during the Intifada, the heroic confrontation to defend our national principles against the racist government of Sharon.


On the 37th anniversary, it is quite legitimate to examine our achievements in the period that passed since 1965. But a little bit of history may be necessary. Fateh, as a political organization, was established in 1957 when it issued its first statement calling for military struggle. In the period 1959 to 1964, Fateh published a magazine called ‘Our Palestine’. Eight years of organizing, recruiting, and raising awareness preceded the first military operation. The military wing of Fateh issued its first statement on January 1st, 1965, in which it announced that Mr. Mahmoud Abu Baker was a member of Fateh and the first Palestinian to be captured by Israel.

Years of failure and success enriched our struggle experience and the lessons we learned ought to be taken into account. But the principles that necessitated the establishment of Fateh remain the bases for any future work. These are:

1. The independent decision

Since it was established, Fateh refused to be dictated to by any party, Arab or otherwise, that aimed to achieve its regional goals at the expense of pan-Arab interests. Fateh believes that the Zionist movement constitutes the biggest threat against not only the Palestinian national security but also against the security of the Arab world. It also believes that a legitimate Palestinian entity forms the most important weapon that Arabs have against Israel, the outpost of the imperialist powers.

2. The historic right of the Palestinian people

The inalienable rights of the Palestinian people include the right to self-determination, the right of return, the establishment of a sovereign state with Jerusalem as its capital.

3. The popular armed revolution

The revolution will inevitably lead to the liberation of Palestine. This revolution takes different forms to be carried out at the organizational, military, political, and diplomatic levels. The complementary nature of the different forms of revolution guarantees the continuity of the struggle until victory is achieved.

The 1987 Intifada as a popular revolution imposed some changes at the local, regional and international levels. It led to the declaration of independence after the disengagement decision made by Jordan even if Jordan tours was offered back at that time. The Intifada also forced Israel to recognize the PLO as a peace partner with whom it had to sign a peace agreement based on UN resolutions 242, 338 and the principle of land for peace. Once these resolutions are implemented, a Palestinian state will be established after the removal of the Israeli occupation and its settlements.

The stalling and deception policy Israel has practiced since the peace project started emptied the project of its positive aspects. Israel continued to build new settlements and expand the present ones as part of a systematic attempt to impose the version of peace it envisages. It aimed to divide the occupied territories into cantons surrounded by settlements. Such a situation will not allow for any kind of territorial continuity that is the pre-requisite for establishing our state with Jerusalem as its capital on the basis of UN Resolution 181.

At Camp David II, the moment of truth that the two parties arrived at led to a confrontation. The Palestinian leadership refused the Clinton-Barak’s proposals that ignored, among other things, the right of return and our interests in Jerusalem. When Barak’s government failed to impose its ‘peace plan’, it used its military capability to lower the ambitions and expectations of the Palestinian people.

The Intifada started in Jerusalem as a Palestinian response to Sharon’s obnoxious visit to al-Aqsa Mosque. It later spread to Gaza, the West Bank and other parts in the 1948-occupied territories. The Taba negotiations were held during the Intifada that has continued since then to express the spirit of a real popular revolution against the US-Israeli hegemony. It involved the PNA institutions and those of the civil society.

Sharon has been trying to use the tragic events of September 11th to impose himself as the partner of the US in its war against terrorism. He also works with some hawkish elements in the US Administration to picture the PNA as an entity that harbors terrorism, a claim rejected by the Administration. The suicide operations in Israel enabled Sharon to carry out what seemed to be retaliatory attacks against the PNA including the reoccupation of certain PNA-controlled areas.

The US, however, considered the Israeli aggression as a form of self-defense. It also listed some Palestinian forces as terrorist organizations. Our leadership rejects this and considers the Israeli occupation, settlements, and daily attacks as the worst form of terrorism that aims to uproot us from our lands.

Unfortunately, however, the PNA had to take some preventative measures that do not in any way harm our national unity. These measures were taken to face Israeli allegations that Palestinians use violence in their resistance against the Israeli occupation. They are supposed to help the PNA stand against Sharon’s devilish plan. The plan aims to liquidate our cause through igniting a civil strife or by using the suicide operations as justifications to undermine the PNA and the legitimacy of President Arafat’s leadership.

The exceptional measures taken should be replaced by a joint understanding between the PNA and the Islamic and national forces on what constitutes the specified goals of the current stage. These are the liberation of the 1967-occupied territories, the establishment of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, the implementation of the right of return, and the removal of the Israeli settlements.

Since these goals are based on UN resolutions, our methods of struggle should be in lieu of these resolutions rather than hamper their implementation. Therefore, Palestinian factions whose strategic goal goes beyond the specified goals of the current stage should take this into account.

The cruel crimes of Sharon and the unethical support of the US Administration for these crimes raises some legitimate concerns among our people. However, we should remember the darkest days we had after the battle of steadfastness in Beirut when in 1983 the Palestinian forces were scattered in Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Sudan, and Jordan, Lebanon.

Sharon, who was officially condemned for his role in the Sabra and Shatila massacres, believed that the Palestinian revolution was in its last days. But the dispersion had to come to an end at least symbolically. On the occasion of the 18th anniversary of the launching of Fateh, it was decided to have a big celebration in South Yemen. The distinguished celebration was attended by delegations representing all Palestinian factions.

The message to the world was very clear: Palestinians create miracles, and they will remain the party that makes the war or peace decision. The celebration also proved that borders in the age of technology couldn’t stand against our will. Most of the leaders who attended it concluded that the will to fight has its roots in adhering to the principles, in the independent decision, and in the readiness to make the necessary sacrifices.

Most of our people and forces are these days on our land and it will not be long before our dream is fulfilled- the establishment of our state with Jerusalem as its capital.

Revolution until victory