Another Quagmire of Sharon’s

 

Certain parties including the US administration, in addition to some European, Arab and even Palestinian leaders thought that Sharon, the adventurous military leader who committed the Sabra and Shatila massacres, will change his character as soon as he assumes his responsibility as a prime minister. These parties hoped that Sharon would grow more responsible when he realizes the difference between his past experience and his new role.

One should remember that Sharon’s election program included very few misleading political statements. Emphasis, however, was placed on imposing a humiliating surrender on the Palestinian people to restore, in Sharon’s view, security for the Israelis. Sharon’s plan aims to create the necessary conditions through a campaign of lies to change the Intifada into a war in which Israel can make full use of its arsenal.

On the seventh of March, the Palestinian people were celebrating another day of democracy in which President Arafat addressed his people urging for a stronger home front towards the establishment of an independent state. On the same day, Sharon formally assumed authority to start the implementation of his one hundred-day plan against us. Only few days passed by when it became clear to all peace loving nations that Sharon retained his true nature. Moreover, our experience proved that Sharon’s aggression received the full blessing of the Whitehouse. The two allies thought that Palestinians would raise a white flag and that what Barak and Clinton offered at Camp David would become a midsummer night’s dream, more than a lost opportunity.

Sharon found that the new administration would ultimately adopt the final report of the presidential study group. After all, his old ally, Alexander Haig, is an outstanding member of the steering committee that directs the work of the group. The committee includes forty-two members most of whom are Zionists or supporters of Zionism.

The importance that Sharon attached to the final report reminds us of how Sharon and Haig back in 1981 forged the strategic alliance between Israel and the US. The secret agreement they kept to themselves allowed Sharon to penetrate into South Lebanon for more than the forty kilometers that the US administration agreed to. The two planned not just to destroy the PLO’s infrastructure in South Lebanon, but also to liquidate its presence there and capture its leaders.

Sharon thought that one week would be enough to fulfill his mission. In six days, after all, Israel defeated armies stronger than the PLO and occupied an area much larger than that of Israel. However, it took Sharon more than six days to reach Beirut because of the stiff resistance the Syrian army put on.

When the US Administration learned about the hidden agenda of Haig, it replaced him by Shultz. However, Sharon continued to act according to his plan that was different even from that of his government. But the war became the target of much public protest when thousands of Israelis took to the street to express their anger against the dirty unjustified war.

The world condemned the excessive use of the American fighter planes and the random bombardment of Beirut. The US asked Israel to refrain from using its planes under any conditions especially after the destruction of ten buildings in an attempt by Sharon to assassinate Arafat. Sharon asked for one more day of bombardment. On August 4, Israeli air bombardment went on for seven successive hours, but Israeli tanks failed to make any advance on the ground.

August 4,1981, was Sharon’s sixty first day in the Lebanese quagmire. Arafat left Beirut to continue his battle for Palestine. Sharon was celebrating what he thought would be his major achievement, the inauguration of Bashir al Jimayel. But even that achievement went down the drain when al Jimayel found his way to death.

Does history repeat itself? Of course, no. But even if it does, Gaza is not Beirut. President Arafat once said that if Beirut were a Palestinian city, we would not have left it. But we had to do so in order to protect its people who were our protective shield in the hardest days. 

Today on April 15, 2000, while we are celebrating the days of Passover, Sharon’s hostile acts remind us of what his predecessors did to Christ. Only when the Whitehouse Zionists feel that the US interests in the Arab world are threatened will Sharon find someone to order him to stop these acts. Israel’s attack against the Syrian radar positions in Lebanon, however, failed to attract the necessary serious response from the Arab world. The US considered the attack as a message of threat to the Syrian President, Bashar al Assad. In the report of the so-called presidential group, Navigation Through Turbulence, emphasis is placed on the need to make al Assad understand that encouraging Hizbulla to act against Israel may lead to a regional war and a strong response against Syria.

Waging an economic war rather than a military one against the US economic interest is, therefore, what the Arabs need at this stage of our history. This will help us put an end to Sharon’s escalation against our people .To enhance our steadfastness, the following basic requirements are necessary:

1. A clear political line

Ambiguity results in chaos while a clear political line attracts consensus. Clarity in this sense enables the Palestinian individual to detect his/her way to the strategic goal through the qualitative and quantitative accumulation of our daily experience under the current conditions.

The political line that the Intifada represents has an important strategic dimension. The Intifada started as an act of denunciation against Sharon’s obnoxious visit to al Aqsa mosque. This explains why it was first called al Aqsa Intifada. Later the Intifada spread to all suburbs in Jerusalem, the city that represents the cultural dimension for Muslims and Christians all over the world. And since Jerusalem is a symbol of independence, the Intifada came to be known as the Intifada of al Aqsa, Jerusalem, and independence. The right to return as an essential right was later incorporated in the title of the Intifada that became known as the Intifada of al Aqsa, Jerusalem, independence, and return.

The strategic goals that the title suggests may seem too far to be seen by the ordinary citizen. Much more realizable goals would help in the process of making the strategic goals more visible. These smaller goals require efforts in the political, diplomatic, economic, and social spheres. For example, securing international protection through diplomatic efforts indicates the cessation of aggression against our people. Also, we should continue to insist that any possible return to the negotiations should be based on the Taba and Camp David understandings. Furthermore, the Israeli demand to stop the Intifada before resuming negotiations should not be respected.

2.  A Clear Organizational Line

The implementation of a correct idea requires a faithful human being who employs his national, psychological, and spiritual values to increase the degree of creativity needed in the process of implementation and to make it more effective. The Intifada as an idea is the collective responsibility of all the forces, political parties, and organizations involved in ensuring its continuity. These groups provide the framework within which the work of smaller organizations of political, civil, public, or social nature can be made more effective. NGO’s, local government organizations, and trade unions have contributed in enhancing the organizational line of the Intifada. Different co-ordination and follow up committees were set up to activate the participation of public organizations such as women, worker, teacher, and student unions.

The interaction of these organizations under the umbrella of the national and Islamic forces, helps to fortify our national unity and reinforce the time and place elements of the Intifada so as to ensure its continuity and increase its effectiveness. These forces elicit the support of governments that adopt the positions of their public organizations. This encourages us to stand against the American and Israeli pressures.

The links that the national and Islamic forces have successfully established with their counterparts in the diaspora, prove the effectiveness of the organizational dimension of the Intifada .The future of the Intifada and its ability to achieve its goals depend to a certain extent on these links.

3. A clear Intifada Line

The tools and methods that the Intifada has been using sustain its effective role in achieving the desired goals taking into account the current balance of power.

A comparison between the 1987 Intifada and the current one reveals a number of things. The ’87 Intifada was able to shake up the Israeli society and attract the support of the international community because of the defiance of the Palestinian youth and their readiness to make the necessary sacrifices.

As to the ’87 Intifada, it was characterized by the civil nature of its activities. These included strikes, sit-ins, marches, and others that encouraged civil disobedience in order to break away from the so-called ‘civil administration’. Throwing stones, raising flags and the occasional use of white weapons formed the essence of the confrontation with the occupier. It should be mentioned here that it was the late Abu Jihad who did his utmost to maintain the civil nature of the Intifada.

The present Intifada is a combination of both civil and resistance activities. Military activities should be planned in a way that serves our national interests; those which may not, should be avoided. For example, it is advisable not to shoot at Israeli positions from heavily populated areas. Israel has been using this as a pretext for inflicting human losses on our side.

The clear Intifada line that the Islamic and national forces has adopted determines the nature of the daily and weekly activities to be carried out. As to military operations against the Israeli army and settlers, these are usually executed by special apparatuses that belong to the different Palestinian factions. Apparatuses belonging to the PNA work for the protection of the Palestinian society, secure the lives of activists targeted by Israel, and track collaborators.

The basic requirements outlined above need the efforts of a faithful cadre, and a competent, creative leadership to ensure the continuity of the Intifada until it achieves its goals: the establishment of an independent state with Jerusalem as its capital and the accomplishment of the right of return.

Through our steadfastness, we will turn Sharon’s one hundred-day plan into another quagmire for Sharon and his military gangs.

 

Revolution until victory.